Boris Nemtsov’s lesson of journalism

Vitalie CALUGAREANU
Deutsche Welle journalist
 

As a rule, conclusions drawn from political analyses have no legal consequences. But they do have electoral consequences. This is why politicians own propaganda machines and buy so-called analysts to manipulate the public opinion to serve their interests. But, sometimes, their excess of zeal and inadequate behaviour do them an ill turn. Everyone has followed the reactions in the Russian media to the assassination of the Russian opponent Boris Nemtsov. Willing to save Vladimir Putin’s face quickly, the Kremlin propagandists started immediately to exculpate the Russian president before someone accused him. Bu the propagandists’ attempt to exculpate the Kremlin had an adverse effect – even the ones that would have never votes for Nemtsov felt it was a Stalinist-like liquidation. The back-up hypothesis stating that Nemtsov was involved in shady estate deals.

Putin’s “hostages”

Vladimir Putin himself misled his media agents the very night Nemtsov was killed. Right after the assassination, the Russian president established the direction of misinformation. He qualified the killing of his opponent as an attempt to destabilize the situation in Russia. Therefore, Russians had to be planted the idea that the actual victim of the attack was rather Putin than Nemtsov. For this, they needed a “foe” Russians would be likely to suspect of organizing street clashes. Therefore, Putin gave the sign and his misinformation agents took it over, started formulating very likely hypotheses and disseminate them. Thus, they put the blame for the crime and the intention to attempt to the Russian security in turns on Americans, Ukrainians and Islamists.

In a country where the government controls the media, it is not a challenge to realize what the government is trying to hide and whom it is trying to get rid of. All it takes is to analyze the concerted propagandistic actions of the politically subordinated media. It is complicated to be an honest journalist in countries like Russia or Moldova. Being a propagandist is much easier than being a journalist. Successful propagandists are very often more famous, richer and harder to replace. 
 

Moldovan pluralism managed by two masters

Even if Moldova is a small country, the political dominance over the media is as similar to that in Russia. The only difference in imitating a kind of pluralism is that here the media has two masters instead of one.  The freedom of the media in Moldova is almost dead. I have been waiting song long for the propagandists in this profession taught in the soviet manner to disappear… instead, another class of young and fresh manipulators arose. But, let us take it slow. First, we should realize why we have this situation.

After the communist empire collapsed, many communist propagandists turned into pro-communist propagandist journalists over the night. Then, they withdrew back the university and educated new journalists. I myself also had such teachers. One of them taught me “Genres of soviet journalism” in 1996 and they would force me write about Lenin. After I graduated, we met again: he was an official and I was an ordinary journalist. Other like him continued to “spread his teachings” in editorial offices, so that now we have new generations of propagandists. Today, we have propagandistic journalists, propagandists disguised in analysts and analysts with the self-assurance of a vigilante. 
 

The limits of love in journalism

Some will yell at me “So, we have to be no more indulgent with our politicians who claim to be pro-European?” I will tell you what Germans taught me and I will not claim I am right. Journalism means serving deeds – it is not a noble cause. Love has limits in journalism. If I, as a citizen, wish for Moldova’s European integration, it does not mean I should be indulgent with politicians claiming to be pro-European. Journalism has to comply with the relevant standards, provide correct information and serve the public interest. These are the values that should unite us instead of political and ideological beliefs. 
 
 

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The article was published within the Advocacy Campaigns Aimed at Improving Transparency of Media Ownership, Access to Information and promotion of EU values  and integration project, implemented by the IJC, which is, in its turn, part of the Moldova Partnerships for Sustainable Civil Society project, implemented by FHI 360.
This article is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The content are the responsibility of author and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government.